Note from LeftEast editors: We insert this article by Nikos Vrantsis, originally published by DiEM25 on November 5, 2021.
It was the mid-1990s and Berlin was suffering a fiscal crisis. Neoconservatism was the dominating ideology, spreading entrepreneurialism as the new mantra for urban development, preaching structural urban reforms to turn cities into attractive sites for international investment. This was the economic-political ambience, in which the privatisation of the city’s State-owned housing stock was presented as a no-brainer.
Years later, the no-brainer has proved how massive a failure it was. It led to an exponential increase in rents, mainly affecting lower income households, without leading to any improvement of the housing stock.
In January 2019, in view of skyrocketing rents and under pressure by social movements, the city’s government approved a five-year (2020-2025) rent-freeze, despite landlords’ fiery opposition and Angela Merkel’s federal government’s hostility. The so-called Mietendeckel was passed in January 2020 and came into effect on 23 February 2020. It didn’t last long: in April 2021, Germany’s highest court ruled it unconstitutional.
But citizens refused to go away quietly. Deutsche Wohnen & Co enteignen, a campaign for a referendum in favour of the expropriation of big corporate landlords already underway since 2018, received a massive boost. The proposal would socialise 240.000 units, owned by 12 big corporate landlords, each having in its portfolio more than 3.000 apartments in the state of Berlin.
Big corporate landlords in an unequal property structure
It’s strange how normalised the workings of speculators has become. Investment funds, vulture capital, banks, insurance companies and other professional financial market players: these are some of the actors investing massively in commercial real estate around the world, but who are also active in the housing market – even more so after the financial collapse of 2008, which created unprecedented opportunities for big capital to buy cheap, fix, and resell at a much higher price.
Berlin’s housing market proved highly attractive for these companies due to the potential of a collapsing property structure to yield profit out of rent extraction. As for the ”buy it, fix it, sell it” scheme, the “fix it” part was ignored. In 2019, the total number of properties owned by the biggest corporate landlords was 240.000, all privatised after 2000 and still crumbling.
These companies distort the already extremely volatile and speculative property structure of Berlin, at the expense of tenants. According to a report published by Rosa Luxembourg Stiftung in 2019:
– 16,5% of the total stock belongs to financial market investors,
– 25,1% is distributed among big private owners,
– 17% is distributed among small property owners,
– 16% belongs to the six state-owned housing companies of Berlin,
– 15,3% belongs to homeowners with one or two properties,
– 10% belongs to housing co-operatives,
– Another 20.000 belong to the church and charitable foundations.
The campaign, for its part, clearly spelled out the meaning of expropriation (enteignen) and specifically Article 15 of the constitution, according to which “Land… may be transferred to common property… for social purposes.”
There were two main arguments coming from those opposing expropriation – that is, the CDU (Christian Democrats), SPD and FDP (liberals). The first is that it scares investors away by sending a message that the State is expropriating property. After housing, what would be socialised next?
Secondly, they argue that the proposal would also expropriate housing co-ops (Genossenschaften). The campaign, for their part, insists that cooperatives serve the public interest by providing adequate housing at low prices and are therefore excluded from the proposal.
The soft spots
Areas dominated by suspicion of the new left and marked by a strong right-wing presence, such the district of Marzahn – a working-class neighborhood but stronghold of the far-right AfD – were tackled by militant segments of the campaign who charged themselves with the difficult task of fitting in and helping raise local awareness. For example, activist groups from the guaranteed pro-referendum neighbourhood of Friedrichschain made it their job to fill in information gaps with their field actions in Marzahn.
In total, 1.035.950 people (56,1%) voted in favor of expropriation and 715.698 (40,86%) opposed it. Central districts, like Kreuzberg and Friedrichshain, voted “yes” overwhelmingly, as did the majority of voters in Marzahn.
There were only two districts in which a majority was against expropriation: Steglitz-Zehlendorf and Reinickendorf, both strongholds of the CDU with high levels of homeownership.
Landlords’ defiance and the strategically elusive demand of the campaign
That purchase took place for two main reasons. First, Vonovia believes that the expropriation will not take place. Second, it hopes that if the city does socialise units, it will do so at market prices, and such a transaction would be highly profitable. That would violate the essence of the referendum, which explicitly calls for the expropriation of the stock at below-market prices.
The referendum did not come together with pre-crafted proposed legislation on behalf of the campaigners. This is because, in 2014, a similar law put on the ballot was legally discredited, leading to the cancellation of the whole campaign. This time the organisers preferred a different approach, so as to not jeopardise the referendum taking place. The city government, therefore, is responsible for turning the referendum’s text into law.
Several committees in both the Federal Parliament (Bundestag) and the Senate of Berlin confirm that the expropriation request is legally valid and compatible with the constitution. If the call for expropriation is followed to the letter and to the spirit, companies will still be compensated, but not at market prices. The State will then have to set the compensation and decide which entity is to manage the socialised housing stock.
Many activists have pinned their hopes on the Bezirke, the district-level councils that played a key role in preventing evictions and controlling rents. The Bezirke, nominating leftists and activists, usually offer the strongest tenants’ protection because of two key tools:
– the Vorkaufsrecht, which gives a Bezirk a right-of-first-refusal on properties,
– the Milieuschutzgebiet, which means that in the poorest areas with larger swathes of people in need of social protection, the conversion of a tenure into property (mainly the conversion of rented houses into privately owned properties) cannot take place without the approval of the Bezirk.
But the campaigners have defence enough. Their intention is to push for the expropriation to be implemented, and they are focused on the district level and local representatives to enforce the popular will in the city’s Senate.
However, it is the skeptical SPD that holds a majority both in the city and in the federal level. Yet they cannot govern alone. The composition of the new administration, whether it will be a conservative or progressive coalition, will play a key role.
According to the activists, the law can be drafted by the spring of 2022 and the expropriation will cost between 9 and 10 billion euros. If their local representatives or the government try to bypass them, they will call for a new referendum, this time spelling out their 21-page long legislative proposal. A vote in favour would mean that the proposal would become law, bypassing the parliament altogether.
What does the referendum result mean to housing activists everywhere?
The decision of Berliners to expropriate corporate landlords will surely be a point of reference for housing movements everywhere. The housing crisis is raging worldwide. Since the financial collapse of 2008, housing precarity is eating its way into the core of societies, unsettling even those defining themselves as part of the middle class who were previously protected by the alleged robustness of their housing system. Now these too are collapsing under the pressure of finance and speculation.
Housing cost overburden rate for low-income owners (with mortgage) and tenants in % of population, Source: OECD,2021
Even in contexts and housing systems different from Berlin’s, creating a social demand for universal access to adequate and dignified housing is crucial for all of us facing daily problems related to housing and economic precarity. Berlin is paving the way. And the world is watching.
This article is also available in German.